Alexis de Tocqueville Critiques U.S. Political Parties, Addresses the Irrationality of Occupy Wall Street

An excerpt from Alexis de Tocqueville’s essential work Democracy in America contextualizes contemporary mass dissatisfaction with our political parties and even addresses the irrational spirit that animates Occupy Wall Street; namely, the impulse to democratize and socialize the banks, rather than to limit and restrain the federal government.

When conceptualizing Tocqueville’s framework, we can see that the decline of the Republican Party has coincided with its decline as a party of great ideas. It has nakedly become beholden to petty interests, seeking to surreptitiously expand governmental authority and perquisites for its clients, rather than to limit popular authority, preserve Constitutional government, and to expand freedom by maintaining order, as the majority of its constituents demand.

A great distinction must be made between parties. Some countries are so large that the different populations which inhabit them have contradictory interests, although they are the subjects of the same Government, and they may thence be in a perpetual state of opposition. In this case the different fractions of the people may more properly be considered as distinct nations than as mere parties; and if a civil war breaks out, the struggle is carried on by rival peoples rather than by factions in the State.

But when the citizens entertain different opinions upon subjects which affect the whole country alike, such, for instance, as the principles upon which the government is to be conducted, then distinctions arise which may correctly be styled parties. Parties are a necessary evil in free governments; but they have not at all times the same character and the same propensities.

At certain periods a nation may be oppressed by such insupportable evils as to conceive the design of effecting a total change in its political constitution; at other times the mischief lies still deeper, and the existence of society itself is endangered. Such are the times of great revolutions and of great parties. But between these epochs of misery and of confusion there are periods during which human society seems to rest, and mankind to make a pause. This pause is, indeed, only apparent, for time does not stop its course for nations any more than for men; they are all advancing towards a goal with which they are unacquainted; and we only imagine them to be stationary when their progress escapes our observation, as men who are going at a foot-pace seem to be standing still to those who run.

But however this may be, there are certain epochs at which the changes that take place in the social and political constitution of nations are so slow and so insensible that men imagine their present condition to be a final state; and the human mind, believing itself to be firmly based upon certain foundations, does not extend its researches beyond the horizon which it descries. These are the times of small parties and of intrigue.

The political parties which I style great are those which cling to principles more than to their consequences; to general, and not to especial cases; to ideas, and not to men. These parties are usually distinguished by a nobler character, by more generous passions, more genuine convictions, and a more bold and open conduct than the others. In them private interest, which always plays the chief part in political passions, is more studiously veiled under the pretext of the public good; and it may even be sometimes concealed from the eyes of the very persons whom it excites and impels.

Minor parties are, on the other hand, generally deficient in political faith. As they are not sustained or dignified by a lofty purpose, they ostensibly display the egotism of their character in their actions. They glow with a factitious zeal; their language is vehement, but their conduct is timid and irresolute. The means they employ are as wretched as the end at which they aim. Hence it arises that when a calm state of things succeeds a violent revolution, the leaders of society seem suddenly to disappear, and the powers of the human mind to lie concealed. Society is convulsed by great parties, by minor ones it is agitated; it is torn by the former, by the latter it is degraded; and if these sometimes save it by a salutary perturbation, those invariably disturb it to no good end. […]

To quote a recent example. When the President attacked the Bank, the country was excited and parties were formed; the well-informed classes rallied round the Bank, the common people round the President. But it must not be imagined that the people had formed a rational opinion upon a question which offers so many difficulties to the most experienced statesmen. The Bank is a great establishment which enjoys an independent existence, and the people, accustomed to make and unmake whatsoever it pleases, is startled to meet with this obstacle to its authority. In the midst of the perpetual fluctuation of society the community is irritated by so permanent an institution, and is led to attack it in order to see whether it can be shaken and controlled, like all the other institutions of the country.

It is with the latter paragraph we can see the irrationality of the Occupy Wall Street movement, which believes we should place more popular controls on the banks through the government, rather than institute more accountability through the free market mechanism.  Rather than restrain the banks, the government has enabled them to practice disastrous activities, which themselves were predicated on political intervention into the economy to begin with. If the Occupy Wall Street people truly want to democratize the economy, they would support removing government coercion from its operations, and then advocate that people act as a check on the banks by making informed decisions on where to most safely and prosperously put their own money. As it stands now, the banks can engage in all sorts of ruinous policies with the full assurance that the government will once again subsidize their folly.

By conflating democracy with civility, the hard left minority is inflaming the passions of the majority to institute hard checks on the power of the government. But if that majority loses effective representation in the government through the aegis of a political party, and the government is attempting to institute and entrench barriers to prevent the majority from implementing its political preferences, there will be hell to pay for the minority, the government, or both.


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